MarkDaMan
10-11-2007, 05:59 PM
Developers divide on Measure 49
Developers on opposite sides of the UGB see competing financial interests
POSTED: 06:00 AM PDT Thursday, October 11, 2007
BY TYLER GRAF
Daily Journal of Commerce
The debate over Measure 49 rages like a mid-summer wildfire. As a plethora of TV and radio ads air, newspaper opinion pieces run and town hall meetings take place, different sectors of the development community vie for the public’s conscience.
Although there is great disagreement on Measure 49 and its possible effect on Oregon’s land-use laws, one factor remains true, according to stakeholders: Financial interests ultimately determine where developers fall on the issue.
Jana Jarvis of the Oregon Realtors Association doesn’t mince words: Measure 49 is bad for business, bad for homeowners and bad for the future of Oregon, she says. The measure is both reactionary and reactive – a tedious reminder of Oregon’s protectionist thinking when it comes to land-use law and its often knee-jerk attitude toward growth, she argues.
“(Oregon) is not a particularly competitive state,” Jarvis said, arguing that Measure 49 would eliminate all Measure 37 land-use claims for industrial and commercial uses. “Retailers will come, but if industries see us as being less competitive than Washington or Idaho, then they will not locate here.
“We need to be careful not to protect ourselves to extinction,” Jarvis said, insisting that the urban growth boundary is anti-business and anti-growth. The Oregon Realtors Association donated $500 to the anti-Measure 49 Oregonians In Action, created by David Hunnicut, a long-time opponent of land-use legislation and the author of Measure 37.
Thirty years after Oregon’s first land-use planning legislation, the issue remains as controversial as ever – perhaps more so, if Measure 37, its precursor Measure 7, and Measure 49 are indicators of the current landscape.
Farming, timber drive protections
In 1973, Gov. Tom McCall pushed through Oregon’s urban growth boundary as a way of protecting sprawl – a fact both lauded and lamented with equal vigor. But despite the state’s notoriety for controlled urban and rural development, Oregon was simply following an example set by other communities, albeit to a greater degree.
Fayette County, Ky., was the first municipality to adopt an urban growth boundary, in 1958 – at the time a de-facto expansion of zoning ordinances designating building height and density that had been commonplace since the 1920s. Fayette County, however, revised its zoning ordinances to define and determine future growth.
When Oregon’s land-use legislation passed, it stipulated that all localities adopt growth boundaries to protect the state from sprawl and maintain Oregon’s primary industries: farming and timber.
But those industries are throwbacks, Jarvis said. What was true for Oregon in 1973 is no longer true in 2007. In 2007, the state-appointed “Big Look” task force determined the state’s land-use policies should be reviewed. “If lands outside UGBs are not intended to be preserved for farm or forest purposes then what should be allowed on these lands?” a November 2006 task force report asked.
Peter Bray, an environmentalist and blogger who maintains Landusewatch.com, a pro-Measure 49 Web site, worries developers and timber companies have too much say in framing the debate. The influx of money, he argues, creates a tremendous hurdle for grassroots environmental advocates such as himself – people who don’t view the issue from a solely economic standpoint.
“You see libertarians and other right-wing folks making these specious claims in favor of developments, yet this might be the only time they make them,” Bray said, claiming there is a traceable amount of fearmongering at work, as organizations like Oregonians in Action use the threat of eminent domain to foment support. “Oregonians in Action is pretty adroit at using potent images (in their commercials).”
But the money shows that, among developers, views on Measure 49 differ.
Portland developers Williams & Dame and Russell Development donated $10,000 apiece to the pro-49 group Yes on 49. In recent weeks Russell Development’s John Russell aligned himself politically with presidential candidate Hillary Clinton, as a member of her Oregon steering committee, and democratic U.S. Senate candidate Jeff Merkley, as co-chairman of his campaign’s fundraising efforts. On the other side, Joe Weston – whose holdings include American Property Management Corp., Weston Holding Co. LLC and Weston Investment Co. LLC – donated $500 to Oregonians in Action.
Jarvis views the difference in opinion among developers as an indicator of competing interests – among developers with different profit structures, but also between urban and rural developers. “If I were a developer (in Portland) and I paid top dollar, why would I want someone to be able to purchase and develop land for less elsewhere?”
Carl Coffman, president of Norway Development Co., admits having a financial interest in Measure 49’s failure. Still, he believes the issue is overblown – on both sides – but specifically on the side of pro-49 interests. Property owners might be sitting on land, said Coffman, hoping to build a big-box store or a housing development, but they won’t be able to because of water, sewer and road concerns. If there is no infrastructure, there is no development.
Jarvis agrees with Coffman’s assessment. “We seem to forget that there are market factors at work, and just because the government says we can build doesn’t mean we should,” Jarvis said. “We often overlook market factors.”
Hiroshi Morihara of Persimmon Development Co., who sees a divide between developments on the west side of the Willamette River versus developments on the east, is another developer staunchly in favor of Measure 49, stating the need for city centers and the ability to transfer development rights.
“I understand people’s individual rights (to develop), but they have to understand the public good,” Morihara said.
http://www.djcoregon.com/articleDetail.htm/2007/10/11/Developers-divide-on-Measure-49-Developers-on-opposite-sides-of-the-UGB-see-competing-financial-inte
Developers on opposite sides of the UGB see competing financial interests
POSTED: 06:00 AM PDT Thursday, October 11, 2007
BY TYLER GRAF
Daily Journal of Commerce
The debate over Measure 49 rages like a mid-summer wildfire. As a plethora of TV and radio ads air, newspaper opinion pieces run and town hall meetings take place, different sectors of the development community vie for the public’s conscience.
Although there is great disagreement on Measure 49 and its possible effect on Oregon’s land-use laws, one factor remains true, according to stakeholders: Financial interests ultimately determine where developers fall on the issue.
Jana Jarvis of the Oregon Realtors Association doesn’t mince words: Measure 49 is bad for business, bad for homeowners and bad for the future of Oregon, she says. The measure is both reactionary and reactive – a tedious reminder of Oregon’s protectionist thinking when it comes to land-use law and its often knee-jerk attitude toward growth, she argues.
“(Oregon) is not a particularly competitive state,” Jarvis said, arguing that Measure 49 would eliminate all Measure 37 land-use claims for industrial and commercial uses. “Retailers will come, but if industries see us as being less competitive than Washington or Idaho, then they will not locate here.
“We need to be careful not to protect ourselves to extinction,” Jarvis said, insisting that the urban growth boundary is anti-business and anti-growth. The Oregon Realtors Association donated $500 to the anti-Measure 49 Oregonians In Action, created by David Hunnicut, a long-time opponent of land-use legislation and the author of Measure 37.
Thirty years after Oregon’s first land-use planning legislation, the issue remains as controversial as ever – perhaps more so, if Measure 37, its precursor Measure 7, and Measure 49 are indicators of the current landscape.
Farming, timber drive protections
In 1973, Gov. Tom McCall pushed through Oregon’s urban growth boundary as a way of protecting sprawl – a fact both lauded and lamented with equal vigor. But despite the state’s notoriety for controlled urban and rural development, Oregon was simply following an example set by other communities, albeit to a greater degree.
Fayette County, Ky., was the first municipality to adopt an urban growth boundary, in 1958 – at the time a de-facto expansion of zoning ordinances designating building height and density that had been commonplace since the 1920s. Fayette County, however, revised its zoning ordinances to define and determine future growth.
When Oregon’s land-use legislation passed, it stipulated that all localities adopt growth boundaries to protect the state from sprawl and maintain Oregon’s primary industries: farming and timber.
But those industries are throwbacks, Jarvis said. What was true for Oregon in 1973 is no longer true in 2007. In 2007, the state-appointed “Big Look” task force determined the state’s land-use policies should be reviewed. “If lands outside UGBs are not intended to be preserved for farm or forest purposes then what should be allowed on these lands?” a November 2006 task force report asked.
Peter Bray, an environmentalist and blogger who maintains Landusewatch.com, a pro-Measure 49 Web site, worries developers and timber companies have too much say in framing the debate. The influx of money, he argues, creates a tremendous hurdle for grassroots environmental advocates such as himself – people who don’t view the issue from a solely economic standpoint.
“You see libertarians and other right-wing folks making these specious claims in favor of developments, yet this might be the only time they make them,” Bray said, claiming there is a traceable amount of fearmongering at work, as organizations like Oregonians in Action use the threat of eminent domain to foment support. “Oregonians in Action is pretty adroit at using potent images (in their commercials).”
But the money shows that, among developers, views on Measure 49 differ.
Portland developers Williams & Dame and Russell Development donated $10,000 apiece to the pro-49 group Yes on 49. In recent weeks Russell Development’s John Russell aligned himself politically with presidential candidate Hillary Clinton, as a member of her Oregon steering committee, and democratic U.S. Senate candidate Jeff Merkley, as co-chairman of his campaign’s fundraising efforts. On the other side, Joe Weston – whose holdings include American Property Management Corp., Weston Holding Co. LLC and Weston Investment Co. LLC – donated $500 to Oregonians in Action.
Jarvis views the difference in opinion among developers as an indicator of competing interests – among developers with different profit structures, but also between urban and rural developers. “If I were a developer (in Portland) and I paid top dollar, why would I want someone to be able to purchase and develop land for less elsewhere?”
Carl Coffman, president of Norway Development Co., admits having a financial interest in Measure 49’s failure. Still, he believes the issue is overblown – on both sides – but specifically on the side of pro-49 interests. Property owners might be sitting on land, said Coffman, hoping to build a big-box store or a housing development, but they won’t be able to because of water, sewer and road concerns. If there is no infrastructure, there is no development.
Jarvis agrees with Coffman’s assessment. “We seem to forget that there are market factors at work, and just because the government says we can build doesn’t mean we should,” Jarvis said. “We often overlook market factors.”
Hiroshi Morihara of Persimmon Development Co., who sees a divide between developments on the west side of the Willamette River versus developments on the east, is another developer staunchly in favor of Measure 49, stating the need for city centers and the ability to transfer development rights.
“I understand people’s individual rights (to develop), but they have to understand the public good,” Morihara said.
http://www.djcoregon.com/articleDetail.htm/2007/10/11/Developers-divide-on-Measure-49-Developers-on-opposite-sides-of-the-UGB-see-competing-financial-inte